April 28, 2006
-
Friday, April 28, 2006
Interesting angle on the immigration debate. Low skill US born
workers displaced by immigrants might migrate to low immigrant areas
like here in Minneapolis Especially, in North Minneapolis,
the “bad” area of town there seems to be a large increase in
crime, especially murder and arson. We might reach a point again,
as in the mid 1990′s when Minneapolis “aka Murderapolis” had a higher
murder rate than New York City. Minnesota has among the highest
welfare benifits in the US with no residency requirement. The
people in the poorer neighborhoods, most of whom are just poor, not
criminals take the brunt of this crime. Our “white progressive
do-gooders” care not a wit about these law abiding low income
people. Here is the link and story text.http://vdare.com/rubenstein/060427_nd.htm
VDARE.COM – http://vdare.com/rubenstein/060427_nd.htm
April 27, 2006
National Data, By
Edwin S. RubensteinWSJ Edit Page
Contradicts Self on Immigration, Minimum WageWhen
supply goes up,
price goes down. Few economic principles are
less controversial. Unless, that is, we’re
discussing the economics of immigration.Thus, in
a recent study of local labor markets, U.C. economist
David Card claimed to find that
low-skilled foreigners have had little or no impact
on native wages.As
usual, this result was immediately seized upon and
amplified by the
immigration enthusiasts’ MSM echo chamber, for
example the Wall Street Journal Editorial Page. [
The
Impact of Immigration, By Pia Orrenius, April
25, 2006]. And, as usual, it’s wrong.Card
focused on local labor market trends. He highlighted the
dramatic rise in
immigrant labor force shares between 1980 and 2000
for selected cities, as follows:
(Table 1)
1980
2000

New York:
23.2 percent 41.8 percent

Los Angeles:
25.3 percent 47.8 percent

Miami:
41.1 percent 61.2 percent

Houston:
9.4 percent 26.0 percent

San
Francisco:
17.0 percent 36.4 percent

All cities:
9.5 percent 18.0 percent
Card
then goes on to measure the relationship between a
locality’s immigrant worker share and the relative wages
of
native dropouts in that locality. His conclusion:
“Looking across major cities,
differential immigrant inflows are strongly correlated
with the relative supply of high school dropouts.
Nevertheless, data from the 2000 Census shows that
relative wages of native dropouts are uncorrelated with
the relative supply of less educated workers, as they
were in earlier years….Overall, evidence that immigrants
have harmed the opportunities of less educated natives
is scant.” [David
Card,
“Is the New Immigration Really So Bad?”
Department of Economics, UC Berkeley, January 2005.]
(Number
nerd note: the correlation coefficient—r-squared—between
immigration and the relative wages of native dropouts
was a positive but miniscule 0.001)In fact,
the “no correlation” result probably says more
about Card’s research methodology than economic reality.
We are a
mobile society. Flows of capital and labor among U.S.
cities distribute the impact of immigration
throughout the country.But if
immigrants gravitate to cities with above-average wage
growth, there would be appear to be a positive
correlation between immigration and wages even though
the
influx of foreign workers may keep wages lower than
they would otherwise be. Similarly,
low-skilled natives are apt to shun
high immigration cities, or
leave them in search of better opportunities
elsewhere.As
economist George Borjas has demonstrated, a
comprehensive accounting of immigration’s impact on the
U.S. labor market requires a national rather than a
local perspective—and does indeed show that immigration
drives down wages. [The Evolution Of The Mexican-Born
Workforce In The United States, National Bureau of
Economic Research Working Paper, April 2005 (
PDF)]While
Card acknowledges potential problems with his
city-by-city approach (i.e., native dropouts may move
out when immigrants move in) he claims to control for
this, and is quick to attack the national framework of
Borjas and others. His complaint: they focus only on
total population rather than the immigrant share of
dropouts and other skill groups. In fact, Borjas
does disaggregate by educational level, finding the
drag on native wages greatest at the top and bottom of
the education spectrum.Indeed,
in his current paper, Card inadvertently presents some
evidence suggesting that this
out-migration has occurred. Here are his figures
showing that, between in 1980 and 2000, native dropouts
fell as a share of the native workforce in—perhaps
because they moved away:
(Table 2.)
1980 2000

New York:
26.4 percent 17.5 percent

Los Angeles:
19.5 percent 14.4 percent

Miami:
23.3 percent 18.6 percent

Houston:
25.1 percent 15.5 percent

San Francisco:
14.3 percent 6.9 percent

All cities:
23.0 percent 13.0 percent This is
not the first time Card has cut corners to make a point.
During the
Clinton years, he shook up the economics profession
with a series of studies that apparently showed that a
higher minimum wage would have no impact on employment.In one
such study, used by the Clinton Administration to
justify a minimum wage increase, Card and his co-author,
Princeton economist Alan Krueger, used data obtained in
a telephone survey of fast food restaurants to claim
that increasing the minimum wage did not depress and
might even expand the demand for labor.
["Minimum
Wages and Employment: A Case Study of the Fast-Food
Industry in New Jersey and Pennsylvania,"
American Economic Review, September 1994]Back
then, the Wall Street Journal Editorial Page was
quick to attack this counter-intuitive result. (See, if
you care to
pay for it, Dog bites man: Minimum wage
hikes still hurt, By Richard Berman Wall Street
Journal, March 29, 1995 or Higher Minimum
Wage, Higher Dropout Rate, by
Robert J. Barro, Wall Street Journal, January
11, 1996[not online for free])But
where is the Wall Street Journal now that the
same trick is being played to justify immigration? [Ask the WSJ]At least
Card is consistent in his liberal bias.
Edwin S. Rubenstein (email
him) is President of
ESR Research Economic Consultants in Indianapolis.
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